Everything You Wanted to Know About Barack Obama

14 04 2010

Everything You Wanted to Know About Barack Obama,” The Root, 8 April 2010.

David Remnick’s exhaustive–and exhausting– biography of Obama is a textbook for the ages.

On the day he had officially proclaimed United States Census Day 2010, President Barack Obama ticked off a box marked “Black, African American or Negro.” Though the form provided space for him to write in the story we know so well by now–Kenya, Kansas, Hawaii, Hyde Park–he chose the simpler, less divisive route.

David Remnick, editor of The New Yorker since 1998, has thoughtfully animated Obama’s journey toward that single checkmark in The Bridge: The Life and Rise of Barack Obama, a sprawling and densely reported new biography of the man who has faced such choices at every turn of his brief life.

That The Bridge is compulsively about race is not surprising; the first public iteration of this book came in the days after Obama fulfilled the racial dreams of generations of Americans, black, white, and other. “From Harlem to Harvard, from Maine to Hawaii–and even Alaska–from ‘the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire … [to] Stone Mountain of Georgia,’ as Dr. King put it, each of us will always remember this moment, as will our children, whom we woke up to watch history being made,” wrote Henry Louis Gates Jr., in an essay for The Root on Obama’s election. Remnick, a Washington Post alumnus who has written books on Russia and Muhammad Ali, had been studiously silent throughout the campaign season. Suddenly, two weeks after Obama’s win, a 7,000 word treatise on “The Joshua Generation: Race and the Campaign of Barack Obama” sprang, as from the head of Zeus, into an issue whose cover featured a brightly burning Lincoln Memorial.

In the essay, Remnick narrates how Obama “explicitly inserted himself in the time line of American racial politics.” He focuses less on the raw political science of electing a black president, and more on  ”the nature of his quest for identity.” According to Remnick, “to be black was, for him, as much a matter of aspiration as of inheritance. It was an identity he had to seek out and master. When Obama shared his adolescent reading with some African-American friends, one told him, “I don’t need no books to tell me how to be black.’”

The Bridge picks up the thread begun in that essay, chronicling Obama’s life in the post-civil rights “Joshua Generation,” explaining what Obama discovered that he could not find in books: How one “becomes” black in America. The title of the book is crucial–and essentially about race. In a literal sense it refers to the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma Alabama, where in 1965, John Lewis, Martin Luther King, Jr. and dozens more black activists furthered the cause of voting rights with their blood, and where, in 2007, Obama walked, having made his first use of the biblical formulation that yoked him to the old guard of abolitionists and civil rights pioneers, and to the Old Testament story of liberation embraced by his former pastor and mentor, Jeremiah Wright. But the bridge is also a symbol of translation, the subtle arithmetic that Obama has consistently performed, adding white liberals, bombastic preachers, black nationalists, lunchbucket Democrats, conspiracy theorists, skeptical conservatives and smitten youth into his “yes we can” coalition.

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“The Obama Family Homecoming”

12 07 2009

“The Obama Family Homecoming,” The Daily Beast, 10 July 2009.

Ghana’s president described Obama’s trip there as a “homecoming,” but it’s Michelle who is going back to her roots.

Par2663222Barack Obama’s one-day jaunt to Ghana this weekend carries a message for “multiple audiences,” according to the White House. On the heels of a Russian expedition and frustrating climate-change negotiations at the G-8 conference in Italy—all of which were overshadowed by the death of Michael Jackson—the first black president of the United States is arriving on African soil as a hero, but not a stranger. Unlike every other American president who has made an in-office trip to Africa, Obama is no virgin tourist on the continent. In fact, Ghana’s new president described Obama’s visit as a “homecoming”—though in some ways, the media focus on the head of the family is misguided. Obama may be the first African-American president, but it is Michelle Obama for whom Ghana represents a true return.

Obama’s immediate predecessors, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, seemed to view their African sojourns in 1998 and 2007 as face-saving opportunities—for Clinton, a respite from the Lewinsky moment, and for Bush, a last chance to be received warmly before leaving office. To Obama-watchers, however, the Ghana stopover is seen as not just a meet-and-greet, but as the next chapter in the exciting narrative of race and memory that seems to unfold at every turn in this young presidency. But while Anderson Cooper may be airing a special on “President Obama’s African Journey” this week, Obama has already had his African journey. It’s called Dreams From My Father. After visiting Nairobi 20 years ago, he wrote, admiringly, “here the world was black, and so you were just you.” A 2006 trip took then-Senator Obama and his wife back to Kenya, and seemed to cement his ties to the continent on which he is the first American president to have living relatives.

Despite this unique association and his previous views, President Obama clearly sees no upside in promoting the “black man goes to the motherland” storyline. The White House has taken pains to present the trip as a policy-heavy mission. Robert Gibbs, Obama’s press secretary, says the administration “[does] not believe that there is a way in which we could ever fulfill or assuage the desires of those in Ghana or on the continent on one stop.” Once landed, the president will observe all appropriate protocols, of course—addressing the nation’s parliament and paying a visit to one of the slave forts that line Ghana’s Gold Coast. He’ll speak, says Michelle Gavin, senior adviser for African Affairs, on “civil society, civic engagement, and civic responsibility that’s driving African societies forward and creating capacity for development.”

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“The First Couple’s First Flick”

22 06 2009

“The First Couple’s First Flick,” The Root, 23 June 2009.

Do the Right Thing helped Barack get to first base with Michelle. So why doesn’t the first couple ever say so?

Michelle-Barack-CompatThe story of Michelle and Barack Obama has been drawn as one about black achievement, the triumph of tradition, racial healing and just plain romance. But their story has also, from day one, been a political one. It’s been that way since their first official date 20 years ago, when the couple went to see Spike Lee’s third film, the notoriously political Do the Right Thing. In the depths of summer 1989—after a day of sightseeing in Chicago and before an ice cream cone that would end in a kiss—two young, Harvard-educated lawyers who would one day lead the country strode into a downtown movie theater and the sweltering heat of Lee’s Bed-Stuy pressure cooker.

Michelle Obama shared the details of their courtship during an interview just before her husband’s inauguration. “Our first movie was Do the Right Thing, which had just come out,” she told CNN. “That was his cultural side … he was pulling out all the stops,” she said.

Barack’s charm offensive clearly worked. And today, the Obamas remember the movie fondly. “I don’t know how many times they’ve seen it exactly, but it’s one of their favorites,” says Desirée Rogers, White House social secretary and longtime Obama friend from Chicago. In 2004, then-state Sen. Obama met Spike Lee at a party on Martha’s Vineyard, where he told the director, “I owe you a lot”—because, during the flick, Michelle let him touch her knee. At a recent poetry event at the White House, says Rogers, Lee was near the top of the lady’s first picks for the guest list.

But despite the romantic significance the film holds for the couple, the Obamas have a habit of downplaying their first brush with Lee’s foul-mouthed tale of summer fun, frustration, and racial unrest.

In a February 2007 piece for Oprah magazine about that first date, for example, Barack doesn’t mention Do the Right Thing. “I treated her to the finest ice cream Baskin-Robbins had to offer, our dinner table doubling as the curb,” he wrote. On the Tyra Banks Show in October 2007, he again headed straight for the dessert: “We went to the Baskin-Robbins near my house and sat on the curb and ate ice cream,” he said. “And that was the first time that I thought I had her.” And in his 2006 book, The Audacity of Hope, which the first-term senator wrote on nights and weekends to flesh out his thin political résumé, he is completely revisionist about that first date: “After a firm picnic, she drove me back to my apartment, and I offered to buy her an ice cream cone. … I asked if I could kiss her. It tasted of chocolate.”

Now, the story is sweet, but why has the president forgotten all about his “cultural side” and his pivotal night out to see the Oscar-nominated portrait of a restless and radicalized black America?

Memory, as many people around the Obamas reminded me, is a slippery thing. “They have had so many reported ‘first dates’—ice cream, museum, movies, I have no idea what’s accurate,” says Camille Johnston, communications director for Michelle Obama. Anecdotes often get whittled down to sound bites—especially on the campaign trail, where every action and past offense is scrubbed for clues as to one’s fitness for office.

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Obama’s Slow Go On Cities

20 05 2009

Obama’s Slow Go On Cities,” The Root, 18 May 2009.

Valerie Jarrett, the big boss of Urban Affairs, explains what the president has in store for cities.

obamahandsJust before Barack Obama hit 100 days as president, I wrote a piece asking “What Happened to the Office of Urban Policy?” I had closely followed the formation of an Urban Affairs office —wondering if the office, intended to coordinate efforts at the departments of Energy, Housing and Urban Development, Transportation, Education and the like, would help America go green, or if the named director, Adolfo Carrión, was really the best choice for the job. As a city gal myself, I had thought this promised to be one of the most exciting parts of the Obama White House, and I was both encouraged and a little amazed that the first urban president was actually going to do something about the unique problems and potential in the city space.

But aside from the executive order establishing the office, the president has yet to publicly comment on it—unlike, say, the White House Council on Women and Girls or the Office of Faith-Based and Neighborhood Partnerships, both of which he has founded and then praised in his first 100 days. This has left some folks on the front lines in American cities feeling left out. “It’s not a very sexy subject, but it’s a necessary subject,” says Jamie Smith, a city councilmember from Beaumont, Texas.  “Our sewers and pipelines are 50 years old. We’ve put $120 million into rehab, but we still need a lot of help.” Others are more direct in their criticisms. “Some of us who worked with [Obama] from the beginning of his career through the presidency are not satisfied,” Chicago activist Mark Allen told the Chicago Sun-Times. “Some of these streets are worse than they were when he walked down these streets.”

Valerie Jarrett, senior adviser to the president, in a recent interview with The Root, sought to address some of the concerns. She gave the impression that Urban Affairs, which she administers, is still in its infancy and that it was as much her brainchild as it was the president’s.

“The approach of the urban affairs office is to look at the assets we have and figure out what it is that the federal government can do to leverage our dollars and really have them make an impact on these cities in the most positive way possible,” she said.

Jarrett acknowledged that cities are crucial to economic activity. “Maybe it’s because I’m from a city,” she said. “But you couldn’t possibly have the state of Illinois without the city of Chicago—in terms of culture, diversity, entertainment, research, the academic institutions that are located within our cities. They are all these amazing assets.”

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“The First Family Thanksgiving”

3 12 2008

The First Family Thanksgiving,” The Root, 24 November 2008.

obamathanksgiving

Being elected leader of the Free World—now there’s something to give thanks for!

Intense national interest in your feelings about cranberry sauce, not so much.

You win some, you lose some. As the Obamas enter the holiday season as first family-in-waiting, Americans are eager for insight into their celebrations. After all, how they spend Turkey Day may give us a sense of the style, rituals and traditions they will bring to the White House.

“Traditionally, he’s been spending Thanksgiving in Chicago with his family and friends,” says Al Kindle, a field operator for Obama this year and in his 2000 race against Rep. Bobby Rush. “He likes to read, and he likes to hang out with the girls.”

In years past, that’s meant a potluck dinner with Michelle’s folks in Chicago. (Christmases have usually been spent in Hawaii with Obama’s grandmother, Madelyn Dunham, and half sister, Maya Soetoro-Ng. Plans this year may depend on the scheduling of a private memorial service for Dunham, who passed away just before Election Day.)

This year, some sixty guests are slated to join the Obamas at their Hyde Park residence, a bittersweet celebration that will provide friends and associates a last chance at hometown fun before the work of moving–and governing–begins.

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“Mr. Obama’s Neighborhood”

17 11 2008

Mr. Obama’s Neighborhood,” The Root, 17 November 2008

Chicago’s power class comes to Washington.

chiriver

Chicago, the town where Barack Obama arrived without knowing a soul in 1985, is suddenly the center of the political world and—if past and present trends are any indication—will continue to wield considerable influence after Obama sets up shop in the White House.

If his recent interview with 60 Minutes was any clue, Obama loves Chicago, and for now, doesn’t mind governing from home. He favored local reporters at the Chicago Hilton during his first press conference as president-elect, and at a media briefing in Washington, transition co-chair John Podesta confronted grumbles from the press corps about the White House on the Lake, wondering just where they were supposed to be for the major Cabinet announcements over the next two months. “Do we have to go and camp out there next week?” one reporter asked. “This is known as triangulation,” Podesta joked, acknowledging the strong pull of the city on the transition team.

Of course, Chicago is known as much for its Great Migration melting pot as it is for its legendarily hard-nosed politics, and though Obama rode to power on a unique coalition of blacks and upscale white supporters, it is the large reservoir of black political and government talent in Chicago that gives him a uniquely diverse pool from which to choose.

According to Laura Washington, a local columnist and professor of humanities at DePaul University, beginning in the days when Harold Washington ran the city, black talent has occupied (for better or worse) an increasing share of positions in the city and state machine. “One of the main reasons Barack chose to come to Chicago was because Harold Washington was mayor at the time,” she said.

The Chicago base has been a strategic boon to Obama; it has been cited as one of the key reasons Team Obama was able to stay focused during the long primary and general election campaigns. Ensconced in its Michigan Avenue office space rather than in Ballston or Arlington, Va., where the Hillary Clinton and John McCain campaigns were headquartered, the Obama campaign was able to avoid the swirl of Beltway gossip and recriminations that afflicted both Clinton and McCain. And shortly after winning the nomination, Obama ordered hundreds of Democratic National Committee staffers to Chicago—a move that effectively consolidated messaging and tactical operations.

Now that Obama is set to swap Lake Michigan for the Potomac, Chicago is coming with him.

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“Barack’s Big Night”

29 08 2008
Barack’s Big Night,” The New Republic, 25 August 2008.

The inside story of how Barack got the gig that may yet change history.
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Barack Obama at the 2004 DNC

More than any politician in recent history, Barack Obama’s national career began with a speech–his keynote address at the 2004 Democratic National Convention. On the eve of the convention that caps the journey begun that night, it’s remarkable how little is understood about how he obtained his historic break–and who really deserves credit for it.

In his 2006 book, The Audacity of Hope, Obama wrote, “The process by which I was selected as the keynote speaker remains something of a mystery to me.” Today, the process remains shrouded in competing versions of events. A slew of top Kerry aides (understandably) take credit for putting Obama on the campaign’s radar. “I knew about him in the Illinois senate primary. I knew about what he had done on the war before the war,” says Kerry’s top strategist, Bob Shrum, who learned about Obama from his friend Laurence Tribe, the Harvard professor for whom Obama had served as a research assistant during his years in law school. Jack Corrigan, who managed Kerry’s convention operations and closely follows Illinois politics, told me that he had contemplated hiring Obama to work on voter outreach months before the convention. “I thought, ‘This guy’s going to lose in a month,’” Corrigan recalled, referring to the grim odds Obama faced in February 2004. “We should go after him.”

And that may all be true. But the chain of events that launched Obama into the keynote began in April 2004, when Kerry campaign manager Mary Beth Cahill was in the early stages of planning a convention that the Kerry team hoped would rejuvenate his sagging campaign. They were eagerly looking for “something that would be high impact and would be written about a lot and reported on,” as Cahill puts it. And as she was helping compile a shortlist of possible keynoters, she recalled a photo spread about Obama she saw in Time magazine earlier that year, leading her to consult friends from Harvard who had taught him, members of the Illinois delegation to the convention, and others who knew him–including Tribe. “Throughout the 1990s, I was saying the most impressive all-around student I had was Barack,” Tribe now reflects. “What I wasn’t sure of was how charismatic a speaker he would be.”

Kerry aides had the same doubts. At the time, Obama had never used a teleprompter, and they were unsure how the colloquial style he had honed on the streets of Chicago would play before a national audience. “Obama was kind of winging it–that was how he was doing things back then,” says Chicago Tribune reporter David Mendell, who covered Obama’s senate race and who later authored the book Obama: From Promise to Power. “There was certainly a risk for the DNC and Kerry, because Obama had never given a speech of that magnitude before.”

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