Man Up to Stop the Violence

27 07 2010

“Africa’s Men Fight for Women’s Rights,” The Daily Beast, 24 July 2010.

A provocative campaign to convince men to fight violence against women kicked off in South Africa during the World Cup.

Lewis Kasindi Kilongo, 26, has always believed that women are equal to men. At home in South Kivu, a war-torn province in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, that makes him a rare breed. “My friends in different villages consider women an object of pleasure,” he said. “Many guys think they can’t marry a really educated woman because it will be like having two men in the house. It’s a fear for them. They just want someone they can control.”

Kilongo is a rare male voice in the movement to halt his home country’s mass rape epidemic, and one of 85 youth delegates who traveled to Johannesburg, South Africa this month for Man Up, a one-week conference intended to get men and boys involved in women’s rights activism.

Jimmie Briggs, an American journalist, founded Man Up after writing Innocents Lost, a book about the child soldiers forced to fight and rape in the wars of Central Africa. Briggs was burnt out as a reporter, depressed by endless tales of sexual violence. “I did not see men standing up on this issue in a real way—and not just standing up on this issue, but standing alongside women on this issue,” he said. “We needed to create something to bridge that gap.”

Man Up, though, was by no means the most obvious way to combat problems like rape, female genital mutilation, and women’s political disenfranchisement. Even the group’s name itself is controversial, knowingly embracing a phrase that has often played to sexist stereotypes about men being tougher, stronger, braver, and more independent than their sisters, mothers, daughters, or female partners.

But Man Up also takes advantage of a traditional male bias toward protecting the vulnerable; in places like Congo, those same sisters, mothers, and daughters are potential victims who could be saved from trauma if men simply chose not to rape. Briggs, who brought his own mother and daughter to the conference, believes he can reclaim “man up,” borrowing a term used in the African American community to signal male responsibility and transforming it into a worldwide movement.

“The men in this effort are men who are aware of their responsibilities to their families and to themselves,” he explained, “who are comfortable using their strength in a non-traditional way—not for sexual conquest or physical overpowering, but to be leaders and advocates for nonviolence.”

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Green is the New Black

15 02 2010

Green is the New Black,” The Root, 18 February 2010.

The office of Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Lisa Jackson lies halfway between Congress and the White House. The placement is appropriate; the 48-year-old New Orleans native—the first African American to run the agency tasked with protecting the air, water and health of Americans—walks a line between action and negotiation every day. She keeps a copy of Dr. Seuss’s The Lorax—the mythical creature who “speaks for the trees”—in her office, alongside photos of herself grinning with Gen. Colin Powell; her former boss, New Jersey Gov. Jon Corzine; and President Barack Obama.

Alongside these power shots sits a framed political cartoon of a man representing the town of New Bedford, N.J., dripping with pollution and waste. His hand is outstretched, toward a shovel marked “federal stimulus”—which he will use to dig himself out of the surrounding environmental hell. His words for President Obama, seen at the edge of the cartoon, are simple: “Thanks, brother.”

The sketch epitomizes the radical changes that have accrued at the EPA since the Obama administration hired Jackson, a Princeton-trained chemical engineer and experienced political hand. Once a bastion of resistance to environmental action, the character of the EPA has been drastically altered in the last 12 months. On the first anniversary of the American Reinvestment and Recovery Act, which provided $80 billion of investment in alternative energy and environmental cleanup, Jackson touted the EPA’s impact on communities like New Bedford—hit hard by twin forces of social inequality and environmental pollution. “We’re here to help,” Jackson told reporters gathered in her office. “We have protection in our name. We’re not the Department of Defense, but part of our job is protecting human health.”

Jackson visited a long-suffering area of Mississippi this month, the first stop on a tour, organized with members of the Congressional Black Caucus, of sites across the country promoting the message of health, non-pollution, economic opportunity and environmental justice. Closest to her heart is the goal of awareness—“putting this agency in the minds of the American people, and not just those who consider themselves environmentalists,” she said. “I grew up in the city; I wasn’t a girl scout; I didn’t camp; I wasn’t a skier; I wasn’t an avid hiker—but the environmentalism I came to know was more about the effects of pollution in society.”

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Michelle Obama’s Healthy Eating Campaign

7 02 2010

Michelle Obama’s Healthy Eating Campaign,” The Root, 4 February 2010.

The first lady urges the country to take childhood obesity as its cause.

The White House Kitchen Garden is frozen under, but, this Black History Month, first lady Michelle Obama is once more using food to address the epidemic of childhood obesity that has gripped the country and, she said in a recent speech to the United States’ Conference on Mayors, “never fails to take my breath away.”

It should. The statistics are grim: One-third of young people in the United States are overweight or obese, and one-third will suffer from diabetes at some point in their lives. In the Latino and black American community, those numbers go up to almost 50 percent. According to a study by the Kaiser Family Foundation, children today spend seven hours a day using some kind of media device. At the same time, school lunches are fattier, school gym classes are shorter or nonexistent, and the erosion of 1950s “neighborhood” culture means the days of playing outside until supper are long gone.

Today, said Obama, “medical experts are predicting that this generation is on track to have a shorter lifespan than their parents.” Not only does decreased productivity and life expectancy endanger long-term American economic prosperity, diet-related diseases like asthma, diabetes, hypertension and certain cancers are slowly adding to the national health care burden.

All of this impacts the black community more severely than the rest of America: Black men are 30 percent more likely to die from heart disease, and black women are 1.7 times more likely to be obese than their white counterparts. Black neighborhoods in major cities have been shown to have fewer fresh food options and grocery stores than the average community. And according to the government’s Office of Minority Health, black Americans have reduced access to quality health care. Children who don’t eat well are performing worse in school. At an event with the first lady at a Virginia YMCA, Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius said: “the unhealthier we are as a nation the more our health care costs will continue to rise,” adding that the Obama administration has “not only a moral obligation but economic imperative to begin to make a change.”

Perhaps fittingly, Obama has chosen Black History Month to make her stand, for “smart, strategic efforts to help our kids lead active, healthy lives right from the beginning.” By starting young and staying firm, she hopes to slow the impact of the killer diet that threatens all Americans.

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Who Will Teach the Children?

23 10 2009

Who Will Teach The Children?The Root, 21 October 2009.
Obama’s education policy seeks the right mix of change and stability in the heated debate over the importance of teachers.

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President Barack Obama had more homework than usual this week. In the wee hours of Monday morning, Obama surprised administrators at Washington’s Sidwell Friends Academy, where his two daughters attend school. He and his wife showed up for the quarterly ritual known as the parent-teacher conference. After hearing about Malia and Sasha from their teachers, Obama stopped by Viers Mill Elementary School in Maryland, where he led a group of local students in chants of “read, read, read, read!”

The whole first family has been focused on education. The first lady penned an op-ed in U.S. News and World Report in which she sang the praises of the men and women who are training the next generation of America’s leaders: “We all remember the impact a special teacher had on us—a teacher who refused to let us fall through the cracks; who pushed us and believed in us when we doubted ourselves; who sparked in us a lifelong curiosity and passion for learning,” she wrote, citing data that shows “the single most important factor affecting students’ achievement is the caliber of their teachers.”

Michelle is right: A 2006 Brookings Institution report notes that “having a top-quartile teacher rather than a bottom-quartile teacher four years in a row would be enough to close the black-white test score gap.” In the face of distressing recent reports that the racial achievement gap is as wide as it has ever been, that is an important statistic.

But is any teacher a good teacher? Is a smaller class a better class? That’s been the subject of a fierce debate in education-policy circles for years.

Lawyer and media mogul Steven Brill jumped into the fray with a lengthy screed about bad teachers last month in New Yorker magazine. He argues that teachers’ unions are too powerful; that the political cost of firing bad teachers is so great that the city of New York tolerates enormous monetary costs just to avoid doing it. One such teacher, “Patricia Adams,” was found passed out in her classroom: ‘There were 34 students present in [Adams’s] classroom,’” Brill reports. “When the principal ‘attempted to awaken [Adams], he was unable to.’ When a teacher ‘stood next to [Adams], he detected a smell of alcohol emanating from her.’ ”

Needless to say, this doesn’t describe the teachers at posh Sidwell Friends. And the Adams case is an extreme example of incompetence. But what is to be done about the bad apples teaching the 50 million school-aged children, including the majority of black children, in the nation’s public school system?

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“Taking Back the House”

22 09 2009

“Taking Back the House,” The Root, 17 September 2009.

The onscreen and real-life politics of Bill Cosby.

billcosbyNostalgic recollections of The Cosby Show place Cliff Huxtable—Cosby’s duck-walking, sandwich-loving, mugging alter ego—as the smiling patriarch of a well-adjusted nuclear family with two professional incomes in a Brooklyn brownstone barricaded away from the first stirrings of the crack era. It was gently political: “There were no “whitey” call-outs à la George Jefferson, no power-to-the-people pronouncements—just an upscale black family trying to keep it together.

Normalcy itself was the message: “All I ever wanted was … to take the house back,” Cosby told The Root in a recent interview. “I just wanted … to show people that this is parenting, this is home, and this is deep.”

Throughout the series’ eight-year run, Huxtable-style parenting meant making a tough-love case for responsibility and self-development—delivered with a mix of humor and stern incredulity. Witness the pilot, when Theo makes an impassioned defense for mediocrity and the right to be a “regular person.” “That’s the dumbest thing I’ve ever heard in my life,” Cliff snaps. “You are going to try as hard as you can—because I said so.”

A somewhat grouchy, slightly punitive approach has characterized much of Cosby’s output, both personal and professional, for years. Behind the scenes, The Cosby Show was a carefully calibrated treatise on race and “positivity,” says Dr. Alvin Poussaint, the Harvard psychiatrist, longtime collaborator and close friend of Cosby’s.

“We wanted to show black people not in a buffoonish way,” he says. “We didn’t want any stereotypic humor.” Poussaint served as a consultant to every script of the show, and recalls a scene in which Cliff’s daughter, Rudy, is having her hair combed by her mother, Clair. “Rudy was crying bloody murder,” Poussaint says. “And I said, ‘I don’t think we should be reinforcing the idea of black girl’s hair as being difficult and nappy without anything positive being said about it.’” The white producers of the show, he says, didn’t see what all the fuss was about. After some heated back and forth, the entire scene was scrapped.

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Black Techies, Web Redlining and the Digital Divide

16 09 2009

“Black Techies, Web Redlining and the Digital Divide,” The Root, 16 September 2009

Perhaps #peopleofcolorintechnology should be a trending topic?

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At last week’s Gov 2.0 gathering—dedicated to exploring the ways that the Internet can improve public policy—Silicon Valley and Washington came together to discuss biometric security, open-source policymaking, geo-targeting and other breakthrough technologies. Roaming the halls? Internet luminaries like Google vice president Vint Cerf, Craigslist founder Craig Newmark and Vivek Kundra, chief information officer of the U.S. government.

Yet of the hundreds of attendees, less than a dozen were African-American. “I would have expected more,” says Darwyn Harris, director of research and development at 21st Century Cloud Computing. “I was actually very surprised.”

The Internet age has spawned remarkable advancements: enhanced communications, instant connectivities, and more and better ways to solve political problems. The election of Barack Obama was the prime example of smart technology paired with progressive politics in a way that attracted millions of Americans of all races. But when it comes to race and culture, does the Internet liberate the country from social categories—or does it reinforce them?

Danah Boyd, a researcher at Harvard’s Berkman Center for Internet and Society, believes that social-networking Web sites demonstrate the same kinds of self-segregation of real life. Boyd, who is white, presented her controversial work on “The Not-So-Hidden Politics of Class Online” on June 30 at the Personal Democracy Forum, another popular conference on technology and politics in New York. Conventional wisdom has it that the Internet is a classless, colorless democracy, but Boyd’s findings suggest the opposite.

“I want you to step away from the techno-hyperbole for just a moment,” she told the majority-white audience, “and think about issues of inequality and social stratification with me. I want you to think about the ways in which technology is not equally available, or equally transformative.”

Boyd could well have been discussing the so-called “digital divide” between groups of differing socioeconomic status. According to a report from Internet for Everyone, even in some of the most functional, tech-savvy cities, in the most technologically advanced nation on the planet, “many urban residents are locked out, unable to participate fully in the digital era.” This means many inner-city dwellers can’t easily apply for jobs online; or telecommute; they can’t easily take online courses, or even finish their homework. Some urban areas have been “redlined” by Internet service providers that don’t see a financial payoff to wiring poorer communities. Nationwide, only 38 percent of black urban households are connected to broadband, compared with 60 percent of non-Hispanic white homes. In Washington, D.C., which is roughly 55 percent African-American, only half the homes are connected.

But Boyd’s point is larger even, than that—she says blacks and whites use Internet technology differently, and in ways that send a troubling message about supposedly post-racial America. “Social media does not magically eradicate inequality,” she says. “Rather, it mirrors what is happening in everyday life and makes social divisions visible.” As evidence, Boyd compared two popular social-networking giants: Facebook and MySpace. She found that whites, the educated, the rich and the tech-savvy were “more likely to leave—or choose—Facebook.” Teenagers used words like “ghetto,” “barely educated,” “obnoxious” and “lower class” to describe users of MySpace. This division may have its roots in the Ivy League-origins of Facebook, and in the entertainment-focused nature of MySpace. Or in the way that euphemisms for blackness are often used to mean variations on the idea of “not good.” But it amounts to what Boyd terms “modern day ‘white flight.’”

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Lunchtime Lessons from New Orleans

28 08 2009

“Lunchtime Lessons From New Orleans,” The American Prospect, 28 August 2009

As the Gulf Coast struggles to redevelop, its children build a thriving food justice movement.

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President Obama’s daughters get healthy school lunches. Why don’t I? So asked a pigtailed black girl plastered on buses and billboards around Washington, D.C. The White House blasted the political ad, which promoted healthy food options in public schools, as exploitative — but the little girl’s complaint should resonate with an administration that has prioritized healthy eating and food security, from both the East and West Wing of the White House.

In 2006, a group of New Orleans elementary school children, freshly returned from displacement after Hurricane Katrina, took up a similar refrain about public school cafeterias as part of a citywide leadership-development program known as Rethink. Their version: “We hate sporks!”

Initially used throughout the New Orleans Parish school district as a cost-saving measure, the plastic spoon-fork combination was all that remained after Katrina swallowed dishwashing equipment at school cafeterias — leaving hundreds of students with a bad taste in their mouths. According to a survey of some 500 middle-schoolers, the spork was the most humiliating thing about going back to school. “In Louisiana,” said one Rethinker, standing on a chair to reach the microphone at one of the group’s awareness-building press conferences, “our food culture means eating with a knife, fork, and spoon.” The crowd roared — and in the summer of 2008, the kids notched a significant policy victory: The state-run New Orleans Recovery School District (RSD) wrote into its charter that the sporks would be no more.

The dysfunctional, disposable flatware, however, was just one symptom of the city’s bankrupt educational system. During lunch periods capped at 30 minutes, students were also subject to fat-filled, sugary offerings, long lines for food, and “silent” cafeterias used as a punitive measure in crowded, troubled schools.

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The national debate on obesity and health is gathering steam — thanks in no small part to Michelle Obama’s White House Kitchen Garden. The 1,100-square-foot plot grows kale, rhubarb, lettuce, broccoli, figs, and countless herbs. And Obama has used America’s youngest generation as a way to draw attention to the massive problems associated with food sourcing in the United States. The first lady, who planted the garden with local fifth- and sixth-graders, believes empowering kids can have remarkable outcomes. They have “really learned some lessons about nutrition,” she said in May. “They’re making different choices because they’re a part of the process of planting and tilling the soil and pulling up the food.”

But a better example of progress on food justice comes from New Orleans, where the crop of youths in Rethink have discovered that education and nutrition in America goes far beyond Obama’s Washington outreach and picture-perfect plot. As seventh-grade Rethinker Renaldo Herald put it: “We are experts in education. We go to these schools every day.”

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“Tough Love From The Father-in-Chief”

19 06 2009

“Tough Love From the Father-in-Chief,” The Root, 19 June 2009.
Barack Obama, whose father abandoned him when he was barely two years old, has come out swinging on male “responsibility” this Father’s Day.

Was2410613President Barack Obama kicks off the Father’s Day weekend with a string of events designed to “begin a national conversation on responsible fatherhood and healthy families,” according to the White House.

Much like first lady Michelle Obama’s March celebration of women’s empowerment, the day of bro-mance hits eight Washington-area nonprofits that mentor young men, and featurez teams of celebrities, businessmen, lawmakers and White House staff that range from Obama aide Reggie Love to Motorola CEO Greg Brown to DeWayne Wade of the Miami Heat.

Most of the White House ambassadors are black. And all of them will touch on the themes of personal responsibility and engaged fatherhood that have captivated the president since his career-making memoir, Dreams From My Father—and perhaps long before.

Throughout his political career, Obama has demonstrated a special fixation on responsible fatherhood, especially in black community—and this outreach, complete with a town-hall with American dads in the East Room of the White House, is just the most recent example.  Fatherhood is one of the four major, coequal priorities of Obama’s revamped Office of Faith-based and Neighborhood Partnerships. As a senator, Obama, with Sen. Evan Bayh, drafted the still un-passed “Responsible Fatherhood and Healthy Families Act,” which streamlines child support payments, provides job training and tax credits to fathers, and strengthens child support enforcement practices. And last year candidate Obama, who had only just won the Democratic nomination for president, delivered an admonishing, scripture-laden, pro-parenting Sunday sermon at the Apostolic Church of God in Chicago.

There, the politician whose own father abandoned him at an early age urged black men in particular to accept personal responsibility for their lives and families:

“If we are honest with ourselves,” he said, “we’ll admit that… too many fathers also are missing–missing from too many lives and too many homes. They have abandoned their responsibilities, acting like boys instead of men. And the foundations of our families are weaker because of it.”

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“White House Art That’s Come and Gone”

1 06 2009
White House Art That’s Come and Gone,” The Root, 1 June 2009.
How the Obama family is bringing black artists to the “people’s house.”

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Last week, the Wall Street Journal ran a great piece about how the Obama family is changing the visual art on the walls of the White House. Over time, the Reagans, Clintons and both Bush White Houses have added to the expansive permanent collection of two- and three-dimensional art—and now the Obamas are looking to make their mark. Naturally, the first black president benefits from an attentive arts milieu:

The Obamas are sending ripples through the art world as they put the call out to museums, galleries and private collectors that they’d like to borrow modern art by African-American, Asian, Hispanic and female artists for the White House. In a sharp departure from the 19th-century still lifes, pastorals and portraits that dominate the White House’s public rooms, they are choosing bold, abstract art works.

Last week the first family installed seven works on loan from the Hirshhorn Museum and Sculpture Garden in Washington in the White House’s private residence, including “Sky Light” and “Watusi (Hard Edge),” a pair of blue and yellow abstracts by lesser-known African-American abstract artist Alma Thomas, acclaimed for her post-war paintings of geometric shapes in cheery colors.

Obama famously decided to keep the yellow starburst rug in the Oval Office selected by his predecessor, George W. Bush. But in February, he packed away a bust of World War II-era British premier Winston Churchill in order to install a bust of Martin Luther King, Jr. This was a moderately controversial move—but only five of the 450 White House works of art were created by black artists (one of the paintings, from Jacob Lawrence’s “Migration Series”, has been criticized for depicting black men at work). If the Obamas want to leave a legacy of black aesthetics, they’re going to have to ruffle some feathers.

I discussed the art on the walls of the “people’s house” with Lee Rosenbaum, an art critic and contributor to the JOURNAL, on Brian Lehrer’s WNYC radio program.

Give it a listen. Rosenbaum thought the Obamas’ choices were fairly trendy, but not exactly pushing the envelope. She encouraged them to look at Romare Bearden, a black artist whose narrative collages were, incidentally, a key inspiration for playwright August Wilson, whose play “Joe Turner’s Come and Gone” the Obamas recently took in in New York City. I thought that the Obamas—who have been patrons of the arts long before arriving in the White House—should push to break the rule that says they cannot add works created in the past 25 years to the permanent collection. Meaningful art is ahead of the times (though I doubt we’ll see any of those eBay Obama portraits in the East Room anytime soon).

Dayo Olopade

(Photo, via Flickr user Farm4: Romare Bearden’s “Mill Hand’s Lunch Bucket”—also the original title of “Joe Turner’s Come and Gone”)





“Obama Talks Faith at Notre Dame”

20 05 2009

“Obama Talks Faith at Notre Dame,” The Root, 17 May 2009

The president’s appearance at a Catholic university puts abortion in the spotlight.

President Barack Obama spoke at the 164th commencement at Notre Dame University in South Bend, Indiana this weekend. The speech was freighted with political controversy, primarily because Notre Dame is affiliated with the Catholic Church, which uniformly opposes the abortion rights and protections that the president supports. These weeks of tension leading up to the speech held an ironic quality—though many, but not all Catholic Americans are opposed to the woman’s legal right to choose an abortion, Obama had worked with Catholic churches in his early days as a community organizer in Chicago when, as he said with a laugh, “I was really broke and they fed me.”

On the day of the speech, there were only a few dozen protesters out front, and some hecklers in the audience, but the real story seems to be the careful and nuanced way that Obama spoke about religion and American life—particularly when it came to the subject of abortion. Watch:

Recall that during the campaign season, Obama got into hot water with Republican antichoice activists and the religious right for calling questions of fetal life and death “above his pay grade” at a forum with with megachurch pastor Rick Warren and then-candidate John McCain. In Indiana, Obama, sounding more like a preacher than a persident, took on the abortion issue as though it were now part of his job, recounting a story from his 2004 Senate bid, about an antichoice doctor who called him out for intolerance in campaign literature:

After I read the doctor’s letter, I wrote back to him and I thanked him. And I didn’t change my underlying position, but I did tell my staff to change the words on my website. And I said a prayer that night that I might extend the same presumption of good faith to others that the doctor had extended to me. Because when we do that—when we open up our hearts and our minds to those who may not think precisely like we do or believe precisely what we believe—that’s when we discover at least the possibility of common ground.

That’s when we begin to say, “Maybe we won’t agree on abortion, but we can still agree that this heart-wrenching decision for any woman is not made casually, it has both moral and spiritual dimensions.

So let us work together to reduce the number of women seeking abortions, let’s reduce unintended pregnancies. Let’s make adoption more available. Let’s provide care and support for women who do carry their children to term. Let’s honor the conscience of those who disagree with abortion, and draft a sensible conscience clause, and make sure that all of our health care policies are grounded not only in sound science, but also in clear ethics, as well as respect for the equality of women.

I do not suggest that the debate surrounding abortion can or should go away. Because no matter how much we may want to fudge it _ indeed, while we know that the views of most Americans on the subject are complex and even contradictory _ the fact is that at some level, the views of the two camps are irreconcilable. Each side will continue to make its case to the public with passion and conviction. But surely we can do so without reducing those with differing views to caricature.

As The Root has reported, Obama’s White House Office of Faith-based and Neighborhood Partnerships has flagged “abortion reduction” as one of its key concerns, alongside poverty reduction, promoting responsible fatherhood and fostering interfaith dialogue globally. This new frame, with its focus on “common ground” advances the Bill Clinton-era formulation that abortion should be “safe, legal and rare”—and had its genesis in the planning and scripting of the Democratic platform on faith during last summer’s Democratic National Convention. The updated language, crafted before Denver by political hands like penetecostal minister Leah Daughtry, reflects Democrats’ attempt to retake the political center in what recent polling shows is an incredibly contentious debate. Obama, who has empowered Faith Office Director Joshua Dubois to make dynamic changes to the way faith groups work with Washington, and met last week with House Majority Whip James Clyburn to discuss issues of faith, appears to be taking seriously the notion that faith and works can coexist in government.

Watch more of the president’s speech here:

Dayo Olopade